John Fansmith: Hello, and welcome
to dotEDU, the higher education policy podcast from the American Council
on Education. In this episode of our monthly interactive recording,
Sarah Spreitzer and I will talk about the midterm elections and what
they mean for a wide range of higher education policy issues. Sarah,
it's going to be a riveting conversation we recorded. I think people
really enjoy it. But before we get to that, how are you doing?
Sarah Spreitzer:
Pretty good. It's been a really busy week. I think you mentioned that
in the popup. I think Congress and the administration are trying to jam
everything in before July 4th, when they're going to leave town for a
short recess. And then I think when they get back, relevant to our
popup, I think it'll all be about the midterms. And so just a lot of
things going on, people are doing in-person meetings. Again, I know we
have a lot of anniversaries coming up. Today is actually the 10th
anniversary of the DACA program. ACE has been a longtime advocate for
our dreamers and some sort of permanent protection for them and trying
to protect the existing DACA program. And then next week is the 50th
anniversary of not only Title IX, but also the Pell Grant Program. And I
know you've been very involved in that, John.
John Fansmith:
Yeah. And it's the 50th anniversary of Pell Grants, obviously this is a
program ACE spends a lot of time and effort advocating on behalf of,
and we're particularly focused and have been working with a lot of our
colleagues on the campaign to double the Pell Grant. And I think we are
already beginning to see some results of that. The president himself
proposed in his recent budget to double Pell Grants by 2029. But as you
mentioned, the 50th anniversary is next Thursday, June the 23rd. One of
the things both chambers of Congress have introduced resolutions making
June 23rd National Pell Grant Day. And they're collecting bipartisan
co-sponsors, we're really happy to see both of those bills were
introduced in a bipartisan manner by the chair and ranking members of
the Labor HHS Education Appropriation Subcommittee. This is the
subcommittee in Congress that decides how much funding go to these
programs. So obviously an encouraging bipartisan support for the
resolution from those folks.
And especially positive as we are
beginning to actually kick off the appropriation season in Congress. And
you talked about, it's a very busy time, in a lot of ways we're waiting
for the shoe to drop in a number of issues, Title IX, other
regulations, see if there's progress on USICA and COMPETES, but there's
still things happening and appropriations kicking off. Certainly in the
house, we're being to see some hearings. We're seeing bill techs being
introduced. It's not quite regular order. Normally this stuff is done
around April, but any sign of progress in this area is a good sign.
Maybe we'll see a bill certainly not before the election, but maybe
before the end of the year. What do you think, Sarah?
Sarah Spreitzer:
Yeah. I mean, it's kind of like getting the annoying paperwork out of
the way. So we have to go through this process. They're going to do
their hearings. I think we'll see the house and the senate come up with
their bills or at least framework for their appropriation bills. And
then hopefully they'll be able to conference them after the midterm
elections. But I'm with you. I don't see anything happening before the
midterms. Obviously we'll have a couple continuing resolutions again
this year.
John Fansmith: Yep. And people may
recall the past year, it took them until the middle of March to resolve a
process that's supposed to be resolved by October 1st. So throw an
election in there, I think we might see a whole lot more of the same.
Anything else going on that people should be paying attention to?
Sarah Spreitzer: Well, the house marked up their version of the National Defense Authorization Act, John, which I know you follow closely.
John Fansmith: Very closely, Sarah.
Sarah Spreitzer:
Very closely. Well, this has become, this is a must pass piece of
legislation that gets brought up every year. It authorizes the programs
at the Department of Defense and provides authorization levels for the
funding. So usually it goes hand in hand with the appropriations bill,
but because it's must pass legislation, it's also become a vehicle for
things that might get attached. And so we've been watching it very
closely, especially when the bill actually gets marked up in the
committee because we may see amendments that get added. Folks may
remember last year, we actually saw a critical race theory amendment
that was put onto the Senate, NDAA that we were able to get removed
during the conference. But it has become one of those bills that last
vehicle out of town, everybody put something on it that you want to see
pass. And so it ends up taking up a lot of time.
John Fansmith:
Yeah. And I was joking about, I follow it closely. It is one of my
least favorite bills in part, because it is not really in my issue area,
but as we get to that amendment process, which is always just a giant
catastrophe, the randomness of things that get included for amendment
scenes is kind of all hands on deck for the ACE stuff, because you
really don't know where amendments will be proposed.
Sarah Spreitzer:
And it's like 900 amendments, I think last year. And just reading
through them. And I remember last year you emailed me. I was like, "I
read through all of them," but of course I was looking for my specific
issues. And you were like, "did you see this Pell amendment?" Which I
completely missed. Yeah. It's a lot.
John Fansmith:
Yeah, it's a lot. So we will keep an eye on that and many other things.
As always, we appreciate your questions and suggestions for show ideas.
And you can share those with us at podcast at ACEnet dot edu. That's
podcast at ACEnet dot edu. Now enjoy the conversation between Sarah and
I, going forward.
***
John Fansmith: Hello
and welcome to today's public policy popup. Thank you for joining us
during what's a very busy time here in Washington, DC, and I'm sure on
campuses across the country. I am John Fansmith in government relations
here at ACE. And for the first time, since we started doing these
popups, we will not be joined by ACE senior vice president Terry Hartle.
But luckily in Terry's absence, I am joined by my incredible colleague
and podcast cohost Sarah Spreitzer, who's also a veteran of these popup
sessions. Hey there, Sarah.
Sarah Spreitzer: Hey,
and I'm hoping that we don't suddenly lose half of the audience when
they learn that Terry is not here. So fingers crossed. They stick with
us.
John Fansmith: That's right. I'm sure the
producers will be tracking the numbers. But for this month's popup, last
time we did a deep dive into student loan forgiveness. And one of the
things we talked about was how much the politics and the midterm
elections were driving the decision making on student loan forgiveness.
So loan forgiveness though was only one aspect of higher education
policy that's being influenced by the midterm elections. And so today
we're going to touch on other aspects of higher education policy the
midterms are impacting both here in DC and across the country. But as
much as we are here in DC, and we're talking about national and federal
level policy making, a lot of this seems to be following up from what
the states are doing really, originating in the states and permeating up
to the federal level. You want to start us off by talking a little bit
about that?
Sarah Spreitzer: There's a whole host
of issues that you could include kind of under a culture wars heading,
we're seeing efforts in the states. We've seen legislation pass in
Florida, that has to do with the teaching of critical race theory, or
perhaps the Don't Say Gay bill about how certain topics are taught in
the classrooms. We're also seeing things that would actually shape
tenure and accreditation at many of the states. So Florida had bills
that focused on this, that they were able to pass. And I think after we
see a state successfully pass these types of things, other state
legislatures will pick them up and try to kind of copy them at their
state level. And so I think tenure and accreditation are also two
issues. And then I think, we're also waiting very much. One of the other
issues I think has to do with transgender and what's happening there.
And I know John, you watch the Department of Education closely and we
are waiting to see those Title IX regs.
John Fansmith:
Yeah. And I shout out to our colleagues Anne Meehan and Peter McDonough
who are tracking this as closely as anyone and frankly, are incredibly
knowledgeable on this far more knowledgeable than I am. But I think this
is a nice sort of segue because this is something at the federal level,
it's going to be incredibly impactful, incredibly controversial. And
it's going to draw a lot of attention on these same sort of culture war
issues as you were just talking about. These regulations, we're
expecting to see them possibly as early as next week, the proposed
rules, June 23rd, next Thursday a week from tomorrow as we record this,
is the 50th anniversary of Title IX becoming law. So there's a lot of
rumor that maybe that would be the day the administration would
introduce those proposed regulations. The Title IX regulations are
always hugely controversial. When the Trump administration did their
rule making, they received over 125,000 public comments. That's by far
the most ever on a Department of Education rule making, it just speaks
to the fact that these regulations are really impactful and draw a lot
of public attention.
That said, you started also by talking about
transgender individuals. And one of the reasons these regulations in
particular will be especially politically charged is because we expect
that they will address the rights of transgender and non-binary
individuals. We believe that the new regulations will be consistent with
the president's January, 2021 executive order. And we'll essentially
state that discrimination on the basis of sex includes discrimination
based on sexual orientation or gender identity. That would absolutely
include trans individuals. And as we've seen this is a big cultural
issue. We've seen states introduce legislation relating to the
healthcare afforded to trans children, or how gender identity is taught
or respected.
Particularly in the area of athletics, this has
become sort of an issue with a lot of attention. And so whatever the
federal government does, but particularly if, as we suspect it, expands
in federal law protection for trans and non-binary individuals, those
forces who are speaking up in opposition to that, it's going to further
inflame that rhetoric. So this is only going to up the ante in this area
where it's already pretty super heated. As I mentioned, we will be
tracking this. We expect to see this as soon as next week, but
definitely people should keep tracking back to ACE's website, make sure
that they can see the updates, communications we put out there and
follow up with that.
But Sarah, speaking of issues, people are
tracking closely, you are our foremost international expert. And one of
the things that Congress has actually been working on is legislation
around economic competition of China. This was a big issue in the 2020
presidential elections, competition of China, what's happening in that
area?
Sarah Spreitzer: Yeah. Thanks John. I think
that this is one of those issues that both Dems and Republicans are
focusing on as kind of a foreign policy platform. China is a competitor.
We have to take actions to strengthen ourselves against efforts by
China to overtake us on innovation. How we handle China diplomatically,
there's a lot of conversations going on about that. How you handle like
Taiwan. I would almost call this one of the sleeper issues because
again, we're not in the states watching kind of the ads that are
playing, I would call it more of a sleeper issue. But I think when you
see a candidate talk about foreign policy, I would guess that China is
likely going to be at the top of the list, whether you're talking to a
Republican or a Democratic candidate.
And we've also seen this in
the states. It has been taken up mostly by Republican controlled state
legislatures where they've done their own foreign gift reporting. Our
audience is probably familiar with the federal Section 117 foreign gift
and contract reporting requirements that requires our institutions to
report to the department of education about foreign gifts or contracts
over $250,000. For some states that has not gone far enough. And we've
seen in states such as Florida, where they've actually created their own
state reporting requirements and their own state reporting portals to
report foreign gifts and contracts at the 50K threshold. So the 250K
threshold was considered too high and not just for institutions, also
requiring individual staff and faculty to do that reporting. And I think
once Florida passed that legislation, we've seen other states pick that
up.
And while that's going on, Congress right now is trying to
conference the U.S Innovation and Competition Act and the house-passed
America COMPETES Act of 2022 referred to together as the Bipartisan
Innovation Act to make it even more confusing. And there's issues in
there that have to do with foreign gift reporting around the committee
for foreign investment in the U.S, CFIUS. Looking at certain contracts
between a foreign entity and institutions of higher education, looking
at the threshold for Section 117 reporting, and then the creation of a
new Section 124 that would require individuals to report foreign gifts
and contracts to the Department of Education.
So it's obvious that
Congress is looking to play into these issues that I think the states
are kind of, we're not going to wait anymore and putting their own
reporting requirements in. Obviously that's not helpful for our
institutions that are going to have different reporting requirements to
the state and to the federal government. But John, the issue that I
think of the most, or at least what I hear from folks, what the midterm
voters are thinking about really is inflation. And I think for colleges,
that's a big issue when you start thinking about college cost. Can you
talk a bit about that? I know that the last popup, you talked a lot
about student loan forgiveness, and I think college cost kind of goes
hand in hand with that.
John Fansmith: Yeah. And
it's a good point. Inflation obviously, and anyone who has been checking
voter polls, whether those are national or local sees that this is
really a top of mind issue for people. I mean, the economy usually is a
top of mind issue for people as they head to our elections, but with
inflation at really pretty record numbers and inconsistently, so over a
period of time, a lot of voters are focused on that. And this issue of
increasing costs, we are definitely seeing that reflected in higher
education. We hear from presidents all the time that they are seeing a
real impact on the inflation. Increase of expenses on their budgets, it
makes it very hard obviously to hold costs down for students. Some of
the costs students are seeing reflect the cost of everything from
technology to staffing and other areas of operation.
So in an
immediate sense, inflation is definitely impacting it. I think the point
you made though about how this is in some ways tied to the forgiveness
debate is really true. And we talked a little bit about this last time.
In some ways forgiveness has almost inevitably led to discussion about
the cost of college and the cost of college, that's not a new
discussion. We've been talking about the cost of college for decades.
But the intensity of the forgiveness debate has really brought that up.
We talked about these tweets by J.D. Vance, who's the Republican Senate
candidate in Ohio, Senator Chris Murphy from Connecticut. These are
people very much on the opposite end of the political spectrum, but they
were both saying essentially the same thing, the reason college costs
are high. The reason we have a debt crisis is that college costs needs
dramatic change, structural change to how we operate.
it's rare to
find bipartisan agreement on anything in Washington these days. And
maybe it's a little concerning for us that this is an area where there
is that kind of agreement. Now, the agreement or what the problem is
that might be bipartisan. There doesn't seem to be much bipartisan
agreement on what the solutions would be, but it's tapping into what is
frankly, a lot of increasing hostility towards colleges and universities
that we're hearing. And it's not just, certain viewpoints it's from
both sides of the aisle. It's tied to this perception about the value of
a college degree and the question of whether students who are putting
in all of this money and the federal government, which is putting in
hundreds of billions of dollars into higher education annually, are they
getting the return on investment they want to see?
I think it's a
legitimate question. I think it's a question, frankly, higher
education's well set to answer. I think we have good answers that we're
making the case, but you can see the public narrative is increasingly
questioning this. So we're in Washington. What would you do about this?
If you think maybe the federal government and students aren't getting
the return. Well, you would pass legislation to address that. And
Congress has one big comprehensive bill, the Higher Education Act that
would do just that.
And as I'm sure people who regularly listened
to our podcast or watch these popups know they're not doing that, the
Higher Education Act was last reauthorized in 2008, it was due to be
reauthorized in 2013, since then there's been many proposals put
forward. None of which seriously had a chance of moving into law.
There's a lot of reasons why you can talk about different things. Two of
the biggest really that are causing this sort of deadlock on the Higher
Education Act reauthorization. The first is that on probably, maybe I'm
exaggerating Terry's style here, but maybe 90, 95% of the issues in the
bill, you could find bipartisan agreement. We're aware of lots of areas
where the committees, staff, Republican Democrat were able to work
through issues and come to agreement on different things.
But that
remaining five or 10% is really contentious. It's things like sexual
assault and the treatment of that. How do you address that in law?
Things like that, where they're just strong divides have really kept
them lot of ways from getting to the finish line. The other thing is,
just how Congress works. If you are going to make changes to the loan
programs, unless you're going to make them far more expensive for
borrowers, it's going to cost you hundreds of billions of dollars, maybe
trillions of dollars, to make those changes in law you have to fund
those.
That's obviously I think everyone would agree our student
loan system needs reform and needs improvement. But when you're talking
about money at that level, that requires a huge amount of political will
to get that done. That requires leadership saying not only this is
something we want to do, but this is a priority so far above many other
aspects, way outside of education policy, issues around defense or
healthcare or early childhood education. You need a commitment from
leadership that they're going to say of all the resources, the limited
resources we have to allocate. This is where we want to put that.
So
given those two challenges, it's not really a shock that we haven't
seen higher act reauthorization. And in fact, what we've seen is these
piecemeal approaches on bill, after bill, which are welcome in a lot of
ways, make meaningful reforms, but don't get to this bigger picture
issue that the public's really focused on. And Sarah, yeah, go ahead.
Sarah Spreitzer:
Yeah. I was going to say John, I think that's like for a lot of these
issues that we're discussing, we've seen legislation introduced, in some
cases it's very much a messaging and then Congress has been unable to
move it. And I think in the lead up to the midterms, there's not going
to be a lot pushing them to actually pass legislation, but there will be
legislation introduced, I think, to help carry those messages for the
midterms. And I was also going to touch on immigration because obviously
that's a big issue with voters, I think in both parties. I think
there's a lot of concern about what is happening at the Southern border
on both sides of the aisle and what's going on there. There's also, as
you were talking about the Higher Education Act, you think about
Immigration and Nationalization Act. The INA.
We haven't been able
to pass any comprehensive immigration legislation for decades. And so
our immigration system now is kind of like they slap Band-Aids on things
and the Biden administration has been trying to make changes through
regulatory actions, but until there's actually comprehensive immigration
legislation, we're still going to have a lot of these problems.
Yesterday, there was an interesting Senate hearing on higher education
and immigration. I would encourage all of you to go in and watch it.
It's on the Senate judiciary website. And we'll include a link to that, I
think in the chat.
And it was Senator Durbin, who is the chair of
the judiciary committee, was there and talked about efforts to work
across the aisle with Republicans, specifically pointing to Senator
Cornyn and Senator Tillis who were also at the hearing, that he really
wanted to sit down and see if they could come up with a path forward on
immigration, given the success or seemingly the success that they've had
on gun control legislation or at least that they seem to have had in
the Senate, they've come up with some sort of bipartisan framework that
they hope that they will take forward.
But Senator Durbin also
pointed out that these are a lot of difficult issues. And if you're
going to address DACA and I should note that this is the 10th
anniversary of the DACA program, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals
as established by President Obama. It's a big, I don't want to say
milestone, because we wish it was a program established by executive
authority. We'd love to see some legislation making a permanent, but in
that comprehensive immigration bill, you not only have the issues with
DACA to address, you have to address the issue for deferred action for
parenthood arrivals. You have to address issues for people that have
been under temporary protected status for many years. You have to
address issues with high-skilled immigration. The fact that we have so
many people in the backlog for green cards, we have to address issues
related to H-1B Visas. And the fact that there is a cap on those H-1B
Visas, and the cap runs out within like usually two days of accepting
H-1B applications.
And so there's all of these issues and it's
almost like it's gotten too large for Congress to actually address all
of it. And I think that's what they're facing, but I think in the lead
up to the midterms, the issues of border safety are going to be on the
minds of voters. And so Congress at least wants to keep the conversation
moving forward because reforming our immigration system, I think
there's bipartisan agreement that border safety goes hand in hand, but
what is the tradeoff going to be?
John Fansmith:
Thank you, Sarah. And I want to ask just you were at the hearing, the
judiciary hearing in person, right? Is that the first hearing you've
been to in person since the pandemic?
Sarah Spreitzer:
Yeah, in three years. And it was very nice. Chairman Padilla invited
the higher education groups to come and watch the hearing in person. And
our dear colleague from APLU, Bernie Burrola, testified for the higher
education community. He did a great job. I encourage everybody to go and
read his testimony, but it was wonderful. It felt like kind of being
back and getting business done. And then Senator Durbin's comments about
wanting to visit bipartisan immigration package after the July 4th
holiday, I thought we're really hopeful. I don't think that they'll be
able to get anything done before midterms, but at least they could start
that conversation.
John Fansmith: Yeah. And I
think there are a couple areas where there's probably some hopeful
discussions. One that is, we know is top of president's minds is the
area of campus mental health. And we have surveyed our members
throughout the pandemic. We have heard this anecdotally, consistently
student and staff mental health is the top issue on president's minds.
And that was a top issue before the pandemic. The pandemic has only made
that situation more, it's exacerbated the situation significantly there
and there study after study now about the impact of the pandemic on
student's mental health, on staff, on burnout, things like that.
So
for a while we have been talking to Congress and the administration
about things they can do. ACE actually had a webinar recently about how
you can use your COVID relief funds to support mental health on
campuses, which if you're interested in the subject and you haven't seen
it, I would recommend you go back and look at, but we are beginning to
actually see the fruit of some of those conversations and the
conversations are taking place on the hill.
Unfortunately, I think
one of the reasons we are beginning to see more action in this area is
that we have as a nation undergone the wave of mass shootings, the issue
of mental health has grown in the public's attention and the demand for
legislators to do something to address this has only grown. So
obviously this is not the set of circumstances. We would want to be
driving this discussion. But as you said, there's hope of bipartisan
agreement. We are being to see that here. The Senate Finance Committee
is introducing a package of bills around youth mental health. These are
bipartisan, it's part of effort the committee has been undertaking to
address mental health that's been going forward.
We also know that
the Senate Health Education, Labor and Pensions Committee is working on
legislation in this area. And then on the House side, there's been
bills that have been introduced, not all bipartisan, but some with
bipartisan support around mental health and disability that have gone
forward. So you are beginning to see movement to address the mental
health crisis that our presidents, our staff are seeing on campuses. I
would say at this point, most of these proposals are relatively small on
scale. They would fall short of what we would hope to see in terms of
support.
But I think the momentum is certainly moving in that
direction. We are obviously eager to keep that momentum going and see
what can be done to advance students and staff's mental health on
campuses. But Sarah, before we conclude, and I want to say we have had a
lot of questions coming in and we had some questions there also
submitted in advance. So I think we'll have a number of questions to get
to as we talk. But before we do that, we've been talking about the
midterm elections. This is a time of year when it's not just the
politics of it, but campuses themselves have lots of questions about
what they can do to inform their students and their staff about
participating as voters, informing them as to the issues.
These
can be particularly tricky issues for campuses and understandably people
want to proceed appropriately. So I wanted to plug ACE has a guide up
on our website. It's regularly updated as there are changes in the law
that can assist campuses in navigating these waters. As we talked about a
lot of issues, touch higher education, they will be tense and charged
issues. So I would really recommend that as a resource.
The other
thing I would recommend is that people look at examples of institutions
that are doing great work in this area, especially promoting civics
education and voter participation. You and I have had the privilege on
the podcast of talking to leadership at the University of Utah, the
University of Richmond about their efforts in this area. But there are
lots of other campuses that are doing great work. So for those of you
thinking about this, looking to update your policies or see what you can
do in the space, I would say be very attentive to those issues, look
around there's lots of good models to follow.
Sarah Spreitzer:
And I think that's like a deep track reference, John, because that was
back in, I think season two, I think it was in the last presidential
election. We talked a lot about campuses doing things around civic
education and voter turnout. And so we will link to those episodes also.
But John, I'm going to ask you the first question that we received
before this and it's, who are educational champions right now in
Congress? And I guess given the fact that we were just talking about
midterms, what's going to happen to our two favorite committees HELP and
Ed and Labor if the House flips, if the Senate flips. And I think we're
seeing congressional offices already kind of try to figure out what
committees the member may serve on in the next Congress, what
legislation will be reintroduced? So I don't think it's too early to
have this conversation.
John Fansmith: No, I
mean, in DC, I think we started having those conversations immediately
after the last election. Now, we know who's going to be where, let's
start talking about the next election cycle and it is obviously
complicated a little bit because we don't exactly know what the makeup
will look like. I think certainly the prevailing wisdom is that
Republicans will retake the House maybe with a strong majority, margin
of certainly more than 10 votes or so. So you look at the house side and
one of I think probably the more interesting things is that it's widely
believed that Elise Stefanik, who is a member of the House Republican
leadership team would take over as chair of Ed and Labor from Virginia
Fox.
It will be interesting to see that because obviously somebody
with as much national attention as Representative Stefanik, who has
such close ties to leadership, education has become an increasingly
partisan issue. You would think to a certain extent that would only
accelerate that trend. And that's on both sides, that's not just for
Republicans, but certainly this is a member of Congress who has a much
higher national profile and has been waging these sort of more partisan
battles. So that's a reasonable assumption.
On the Senate side, I
think you hear different predictions. Sarah I've said this a few times,
my belief is that Democrats will retain the Senate with a small minority
or small majority. I think I might be in the minority in believing that
the more I talk to people. If Democrats do it's very likely, Patty
Murray will retain her chairmanship. She fought very hard to maintain it
the last go around. This is a member of Congress who cares deeply about
education in particular. If it does flip though, Senator Burr who's the
current ranking member will no longer be in the Senate.
And so at
least the next in line looks to be Senator Rand Paul. Senator Paul has
not historically been deeply involved in education issues. I think he's a
little bit, particularly in higher education space, a little bit more
of a black box in terms of what his policy priorities in that area will
be. This isn't always uncommon, for some of these committees. HELP has a
big jurisdiction. They cover a lot of different issues. It's not a
shock that there's members on those committees for whom education isn't
necessarily their primary issue. In fact that they might care more about
the health component of it. That would certainly seem to be a
reasonable assumption about Senator Paul that healthcare would be far
more of a priority of his than the education side. Again, we don't know
that. There's also always a lot of jockying because sometimes other
committee assignments become available that members see as preferential,
even if they have seniority on one.
So we can guess, we can make
predictions. I think they're worth about as much as they're written down
here. But stepping back, the question started, who are our champions
and that's such a great question. It's such an interesting question
because higher ed is active in so many different areas of federal
agencies. So just the rundown we gave today about the issues we're
thinking about really speaks to the fact that, different federal
agencies, different committees, all oversee interactions with colleges
and universities. And so to say, who are our champions? Well, I would
probably say, what issue are you talking about? We have different
champions on student financial aid than we do on scientific research.
There
may be overlap. But even then beyond that, there's lots of members of
Congress who have strong identification with particular programs. Maybe
they were a part of authorizing or creating that program. Maybe there's a
legacy to that program that they have taken up. So it really does. We
have a lot of people who are champions, but I don't know that there's
anyone you would say, this is the champion of all of higher education,
although I'm really actually curious to hear your take on that too,
Sarah.
Sarah Spreitzer: Yeah. I think it's
interesting. I think members kind of define themselves and I think it
will be the people that want to be on those committees. Want to take a
leadership position. Senator Paul, I think was up for the help
chairmanship if the Senate had remained Republican, but instead of him
becoming ranking member, we saw Senator Burr become the ranking member
because of some changes to his committee assignments. And so I think
you're right. If he were to take HELP, it might be more of a healthcare
focus given his interest. But also thinking about our appropriators, our
funders of education, not just our authorizers, but we are losing
Senator Roy Blunt from Missouri who has been a champion for NIH and for
the Pell Grant, on the Republican side. And then we are also losing
Congresswoman Roybal-Allard, in the house side. And she's been a very
active member on the Labor H appropriations.
And so it's losing
kind of the knowledge that those members bring to the topic because
they've been doing it for a while and an opportunity to educate like the
new leadership coming in and then trying to find out where their
interests are and then what issues they may champion. So I'm going to
miss people like Senator Blunt, who's been a champion for our issues,
but I also think it's a great opportunity to build those new champions
and to get in there and kind of educate them about our issues.
John Fansmith:
Yeah, very true. So we have another question, Sarah, and this is very
much in your wheelhouse. This person says that they're always interested
on issues related to international education. What are policies that
the Biden change that may be threatened? I'm assuming the rest of the
question is if the House is to flip or the Congress is to flip to
Republican control.
Sarah Spreitzer: I mean, I'm
always interested in international education questions. So happy to know
that there's somebody else out there like that. The Biden
administration, I talked about the inability of Congress to kind of move
on immigration legislation. And so the Biden administration has been
trying to do a lot on the regulatory front. We are still waiting for the
final rule around DACA. Obviously DACA's been caught up in court cases,
but to protect and fortify the program, the Biden administration
released a proposed rule, which we submitted comments on. I think it was
in December, basically kind of further codifying the existing program,
not expanding it, but codifying the Obama program, which as we discussed
was established 10 years ago. And they haven't released that final rule
yet. And we're all kind of waiting to see. There were some rumors that
it might come this week, given that it's the 10th anniversary of DACA,
but we haven't seen anything yet.
And obviously I think if the
House were to flip, they might try to do something around it. But again,
given the inability of them to move immigration legislation, I don't
think that's going to happen right away. They have also granted some
flexibility for our international students, especially in kind of the
post COVID era as our consulates around the world are working through
the backlog of visa applications. We've been working with State and with
the Department of Homeland Security to try to increase processing times
for student visas and work authorizations for optional practical
training for students that are here.
And I think that state and
DHS are working very hard to address that. And I think the Biden
administration has allowed for some flexibility that allows them to get
through that backlog a little quicker. So for example, waving the
interview requirement, if you're coming from a country that participates
in the visa waiver program. So like you're coming from the UK, or if
you've held a student visa in previous years, the interview requirement
is waived. So I think that those are also things that are supported by
the Republicans and I actually think that Republicans would likely be
harder on the State Department and on DHS, on processing times, just
given the fact that they're trying to address economic issues.
And
I think that not only is higher ed pushing for that, but you're also
thinking about the tourist industry, the business community, everybody
is kind of supporting, let's bring the tourists back. Let's open up
travel. We need to get our workers here. We need to get our students
here. So I don't think that's an issue. I think that bigger thing will
be in the next administration because we've seen any changes made to
immigration through regulatory action. And so I think the next
administration would likely take executive action to roll back the Biden
administration if it is a Republican administration. But I don't think
anything will happen with Congress. Hopefully it's the bipartisan
immigration reform Senator Durbin talked about yesterday.
John Fansmith: Fingers crossed.
Sarah Spreitzer:
Fingers crossed. So John, the next question is for you, or at least we
decided to give it to you, what has to happen for political players to
decide that criticism of universities is not a winning issue. And I
think part of this right goes to the issue of college cost and how it's
actually an issue, I think, in the upcoming midterms and loan
forgiveness. So what does have to happen to kind of move us off of these
issues that voters are paying close attention to?
John Fansmith:
Yeah. I think the simple answer would be, it has to stop being a
winning issue. And that's a little bit, blithe about it, but to step
back a little really, there's a reason we are seeing these attacks and
there's a reason we're seeing these attacks escalate. Some of it is
cost. People are questioning the cost and value of higher education.
That makes the fact that, if our institutions and our staff are not seen
necessarily as likable as they used to be, it's not a surprise that you
will start to see, especially in an election year where a lot of
messaging legislation, maybe that's never intended to be passed, but is
intended to communicate a candidate's views are being put forward.
You'll see some of this rhetoric ramped up, you'll see some of these
attacks ramped up. Cost is one of those factors.
But the other
thing is we have seen a partisan divide around higher education in the
electorate. And it's not always reflected in views of the electorate
towards higher education, but there's been a dramatic shift between the
two parties that the majority of Democratic voters now have a college
education. The majority of Republican voters do not. If you are looking
at how do you excite your base, how do you get your voters to turn out?
You can see that Democrats and Republicans in appealing to their own
voters would take very different positions on higher education because
their own voters have had very different experiences of higher
education. If you never went to college, you may not see college as
being as valuable as a person who did. And you certainly may not see
that as a priority for where you would put federal funding.
So
it's not a shock that you tend to see these things moving up. I think
what's surprised me, and you touched on this in the beginning is seeing
things like attacks on tenure status. You're going beyond even this idea
of sort of the cost of college or colleges and universities being very
liberal institutions or not reflecting, maybe the values of the
communities that surround them to this sort of more targeted approach to
what can institutions teach, who should be teaching them, what are the
conditions under which they can teach them? Again, I think it's driven
really by political means. I don't know that there's necessarily a lot
of actual policy concerns in these areas, but it's troubling.
Nonetheless, having these questions raised, having legislation
introduced in those areas, especially where in a few cases we are
seeing, tenure protections curtailed, that's very troubling.
How
do we get people to change? How do we get that to change? Well, I think
we have to start communicating better. I think we're trying, I think we
have to talk about the value of a college education. Why it's not just
an individual good. Why it's a public good, the benefits to society. We
do a really good job in some ways about doing this technology and
innovation. We do a great job of talking about the benefits of academic
research and how that translates to the phone in your pocket or the
healthcare you receive. We don't do as good a job talking about the
things that bond college graduates to their communities that
institutions do as engines of their local economies, lots of different
institutions do great work in this area, but cohesively on the national
level, there's certainly a lot of work left to be done.
Again. I
said this before. I think we have a really great story to tell. I think
we are telling that story. I think most people you talk to still, and
we've done polling to this effect, recognize that college is really
important. I always find it kind of amusing, Sarah. You ask people, do
you think it's important to go to college? You think college is a
valuable experience. In polls, those numbers are dropping, but when you
ask them, do you want to send your kids to college? Those numbers are
consistently high people see the advantage for their own families, but
when asked about, whether it's a societal good, they're a little less
enthusiastic in some cases, a lot less enthusiastic. So we need to just
keep making that message, getting it out there. Some of this will depend
on the election cycle too, but ultimately I think we have a very good
case to make. We just have to keep making it.
Sarah Spreitzer:
Yeah. It reminds me of those polls that they do about support for
Congress as a whole. Congress always pulls very, very, very low. But
when you ask somebody about their individual member of Congress, they
always pull very high.
John Fansmith: Yeah. My member's the good one.
Sarah Spreitzer:
Yeah. My member's the good one, but the rest of them should be thrown
out. When you ask people about an institution of higher education,
that's in their backyard or within their state, they're like, "Oh,
that's a great institution. We're so proud of it." They may know some of
the things that they bring to the state, to the region, but then, the
other ones are just no good.
John Fansmith: Yeah.
That's a great point. So Sarah, there's a couple other questions that
we've had coming in. One of these I would address to you. So can
presidents and chancellors become more involved in the conversation on
gun violence?
Sarah Spreitzer: Yeah. It's
interesting that the Senate, has this kind of bipartisan framework
around gun safety. And I have to admit I'm hopeful myself that they can
actually move someone on this issue. But I think John, just as you were
talking about, the importance of colleges and universities in our
communities, obviously our colleges and universities are going to be
part of those discussions. I think within their communities on how to
address gun safety and gun violence and kind of what's going on.
And
so I think that those are discussions that folks are having, I think
within their communities, within their regions, within their states,
whatever happens on kind of the federal side. And so we're going to wait
to see what happens with this bipartisan package. But even if it
doesn't go anywhere, I think our institutions will be central to their
communities, having those discussions.
John Fansmith:
Yeah. And I think one of the things, that's an interesting tension that
always exists in the space. And it's not just on this issue, but we
hear this all the time. There are definitely regional differences and
views on what are the appropriate gun safety measures, colleges and
universities often reflect their communities and certainly situation
well within their communities. There can be challenges for institutions
where the viewpoints may be more aggressive in one area of this policy
or not that may conflict with state legislatures, especially public
institutions, which may depend for large part on funding from the
legislature. So it can be a very tricky area. I think that makes it all
the more important that the institutions that have the ability to speak
out and express their views, reflect the views of their community and be
active participants.
We know the research our campuses produce
around this issue helps strive the debate and the discussion about not
just the need for solutions, but what are the good possible solutions
that are out there? What can be done? So again, it can be very tricky.
We certainly understand that not every institution can take the same
positions, but there is a lot that can be done. And I think certainly as
respected voices within the community college and university leaders
have an opportunity where they can to step up and speak out.
Sarah Spreitzer:
Yeah. And Jon, one of our questions was, can we talk about something
hopeful and maybe that's a good place to end. Is hopefulness that
Congress will be able to actually address a major issue within a
bipartisan manner before the midterms. We've talked a lot about the fact
in previous podcasts about the fact like, come July 4th, things are
going to start slowing down here on things that can actually get moved.
But I think I, this week I'm feeling much more hopeful that Congress can
actually come up with some of the solutions on these major issues.
John Fansmith:
Yeah. The gun control agreement in the Senate, the bipartisan
legislation around mental health, we don't see a lot of bipartisan
agreement on things. And as you talked about, especially in an election
year, a lot of times members of Congress, frankly, are reticent to stake
out a position that may alienate voters. They're focused on reelection.
The fact that there are a number of members of Congress who are
stepping out and saying, let's find common ground, let's find agreement,
regardless of whether you think necessarily those solutions will go far
enough or not. The fact that there is progress is actually really
hopeful and even more so given the climate we're in and the fact that
the midterm elections are looming over everything that's happening here.
So I think that's a real positive and something to end our popup on
with a positive note, we almost never end on a positive note. Right,
Sarah?
Sarah Spreitzer: I know it's because
sadly, Terry isn't here, we'll have to tell him, the first popup he's
missing, we're ending on a hopeful note.
John Fansmith:
That's right. Well, I want to thank everyone for attending today. We
really appreciate the questions that you sent in. As always, they make
these discussions, these popups a lot more interesting, not only for us,
but hopefully for you as well. And we appreciate all your thoughts,
comment, suggestions, and please keep sending them in and keep an eye
out for the next popup session in July. Information will be coming out
from ACE about that. Thanks and enjoy the rest of your day.
Sarah Spreitzer:
As always podcast friends, you can check out earlier episodes and
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Audrey Hamilton, Malcolm Moore, Anthony Truhart, Asani Stenson and Fatma
Gom. They do an incredible job making this happen and making John,
Moshak and I sound as good as possible. And finally, thank you so much
for listening.